Tuesday, February 25, 2014

How else are you going to catch a corrupt prime minister?

In the past twelve hours, over one and a half million people have listened to the alleged recording of the Turkish Prime Minister Tayyip Erdogan, telling his son to hide thirty millions euros in cash. The recordings, which are said to have been made the day a corruption probe was launched in December against the sons of three key ministers, will leave Erdogan reeling. He repeatedly tells his son not to speak openly, but Bilal states how much money there is and where he's hidden it. It makes for fascinating listening, even if, as the prime minister claims, it is false.

 4th call 23.15
Bilal Erdogan:  Hi daddy, I am calling to… we did [it] mostly. Eee, did you call me daddy?
Recep Tayyip Erdogan :  No I did not, you called me.
BE:  I was called from a secret number
RTE:  By saying mostly, did you fully dissolve it.
BE: We did not zeroized it yet daddy. Let me explain.. We still have a 30 million euros that we could not yet dissolve. Berat thought of something. There was an additional 25 million dollars that Ahmet Calik should receive. They say let’s give this [to him] there. When the money comes, we do [something], they say. And with the remaining money we can buy a flat from Sehrizar, he says. What do you say, father?
RTE: (background soun: Ayyy)
BE: Daddy
RTE: Is Sumeyye with you?
BE: Yes with me, should I call her?
RTE: No, there was another sound, that’s why I asked
BE: Umm.. I mean, he can transfer 35 million dollars to Calik and buy a flat from Sherizar with the remaining.
RTE: Whatever, we will sort it
BE: Should we do it like this?
RTE: OK do it
BE: Do you want them all dissolved father, or do you want some money for yourself
RTE: No, it cannot stay, son. You could transfer that to the other, with Mehmet you could transfer it there…
BE: Yes, we gave to them. We gave 20 to them.
RTE: For God’s sake, first you should’ve transferred you could then do.
BE: We were able to give this much for now, it is hard already, it takes too much space. We are putting some of it to another place, we gave part of it to Tunc, and then…
RTE: did you transfer all to Tunc?
BE: (Sumeyye, can you come) Where, father?
RTE: To Tunc, I say, did you transfer all to Tunc?
BE: They asked, I guess he said that he could take 10 million euros.
RTE: Whatever. Do not talk this like this on this.
BE: OK, then, we will sort it as such.
RTE: Ok do it. I am not able to come tonight, I will stay in Ankara.
BE:OK, we are sorting it out. You do not worry.

NOTES: Sumeye is Erdoagn's daughter, Berat is his other son. Calik is a building/oil/media magnet.

In response the government quickly hit back and said that there has been at least 2000 phones tapped illegally in Turkey by prosecutors loyal to the Islamic cleric Fethullah Gulen. But one wonders how else are you going to catch a corrupt prime minister, especially if the law is not on your side. Pro-government media estimate the number of tapped phones is as high as 7000.

While it's clear there is a battle going on between Erdogan and Gulen, which may now escalate with further measures against Gulen businesses - in November the government took measures to close down a network of Gulen affiliated schools. It's also clear that Erdogan and his ministers don't run an all together transparent ship and that his son has once again dropped him in it. The questions now is, will Erdogan survive this scandal as prime minister?

Back in the late nineties, when Erdogan was serving as the mayor of Istanbul, Bilal killed a prominent singer in a hit and run as she crossed the road in the swank Istanbul neighbourhood of Levent. It was reported, at the time, that Bilal didn't hold a drivers' license, yet he was acquitted and then sent abroad. There were also stories the police scrubbed the skid marks off the road to create a narrative that would fit with Bilal's defence. Erdogan may now be wishing that his son never came home.

Notably Erdogan's political career didn't end there. It merely suffered a hick-up, though not because of the cover up of Bilal's driving history, but because he read a poem at a political rally that was seen to be anti-secular. Erdogan was arrested and imprisoned for reading that poem, and effectively removed from the mayorship. But he bounced back with the support of the Gulen Movement and became a hero to the millions of people who were fed up with the militant nature of the secular state. 

One wonders where all this scandal will leave Erdogan and the AK Party, just one month ahead of local elections. The government is trying to stem the leaks that just keep coming. Last week a new law was passed that effectively tightens control on the internet, so it wouldn't be surprising if Turkey returns to the days of banning Youtube - the recordings were uploaded there, although by who is not clear.

The prime minister office said in a statement, following an emergency meeting with the chief of intelligence, that the taped conversations are 'entirely untrue'. But one wonders how Turkey will recover from this ongoing scandal unless the prime minister admits defeat. How many accusations does it take before a politician loses all credibility? Everyone is losing here. 

The lira hit an all time low again, which means foreign debt will keep rising, most of which belongs to the private sector. Consumer confidence is down 43% since the Gezi Park protests last June and the atmosphere in Turkey when it comes to open debate and any potential journalistic investigation into catching corrupt officials is toxic. 

Most people, even the middle class, work six or seven days a week and their earned money is continuing to devalue. They deserve a more transparent leadership and a day off. They should also vote Erdogan out of power in the upcoming elections, because if a taped conversation of this magnitude can't do it, only the ballot box will. As one Turk put it this morning, 'The country is collapsing with filth.' 

Sunday, January 05, 2014

Erdogan's Fate

The political crisis in Turkey is deepening and the prime minister, Mr Erdogan, it seems can do nothing to reverse it. Since a corruption probe led to three MPs resigning from key posts, and a cabinet reshuffle, the damage has yet to be contained. A total of seven MPs have resigned and Erdogan called a meeting with Media chiefs on Saturday in an attempt to control the message. But with social media being such a popular mode of communication it may be attempting the impossible. On Friday the deputy PM Bulent Arinc criticised members of AKP, his own party, for tweeting 'too much'. He used the words 'citir citir' to describe them, which literally means 'crackle crackle'. Within twenty four hours of the criticism by the deputy PM a member of AKP tweeted simply 'citir citir', poking fun at Mr Arinc. If nothing else, it shows a growing descent within the party. There once was a time when AKP didn't criticise itself. Happening at this time, it goes to show just how big a challenge the prime minister is facing. There are a number of scenarios unfolding in Turkey at the moment: 

ONE: President Abdullah Gul will return to steer the party and Erdogan will be filed away into the depths of the presidential palace, a largely symbolic role. For the first time since the crisis began, president Gul spoke yesterday, not that he offered a way out of the stand off between elements of the Turkish state sympathetic to Gulen, and/or Erdogan. The response from some Turks, 'at least we know our president is still alive', a reference to Gul's hands off approach to the current crisis, but then there's not much a president can do. It's a post with no executive power. And while it may be a dead end job, the presidential post in its current form with no executive power may be a saving grace for Mr Erdogan, who has managed to alienate himself from his allies at home and abroad. This may secure the support of the 'cemaat/community' the name used for Gulen sympathisers, guided by their leader who still prefers an Islamist party in power. 

TWO: Erdogan will judge by himself his chances in a general elections by results in the upcoming local elections scheduled for March. General elections are planned for 2015, but unless he is able to perform a miracle it seems difficult that this will be the way forward. The corruption scandal has unleashed a wave of criticism. It has opened Pandora's Box as they say and all of his failures are now being judged. On domestic and foreign policy, Gezi Park and Syria are leading the debate. This week Turkish media reported a truck carrying arms crossed the Syrian border after customs police were told not to stop it. The foreign minister is reported to be insisting that Assad be toppled, in contrast to what most in the international community now believe since the US strike didn't happen. The Reyhanli bombing which left over 50 dead in a Turkish border town, a spill over from the conflict next door, has not been forgotten here. The relationship with the US is also on trial. Most Turks believe Washington plays an influential role in who their leader is and Erdogan has distanced himself from the US and Israel, and therefore from the cemaat. Gulen lives in the US and harbours no emotion towards the Palestinian cause. The 'one minute' public humiliation of the Israeli president at Davos and the Mavi Marmara incident that saw nine activists killed on an aid ferry sailing to break the Gaza blockade, a ferry that was sanctioned by the Turkish government and sailed from Turkey, are both examples of where Erdogan went wrong for the cemaat. Erdogan's ambitions are neo-Ottoman in terms of empire building, but in contrast to the Gulen vision of Turkish Islam, Erdogan's dream is to become the leader of the Muslim Brotherhood regionally. He sees himself as the father of a successful political party rooted in Islam, a model for North Africa and the Middle East. These acts of open defiance against Israel earned him kudos on the Arab street, but that hasn't been enough to save him. The events of Syria have shown that the PM miscalculated his power in this regards. These dreams are now over. 

THREE: The main opposition party, the CHP, secular republicans, will form an alliance with the cemaat - an unlikely bed fellow, but it looks like this may become a plausible way forward. Mr Kilicdaroglu, head of the party, visited the US, where Gulen lives, a week before the corruption probe started. Many commentators believe that they may have made a deal and the cemaat will help the CHP play for the centre ground in general elections. There are signs that this may be true. Mustafa Sarigul, a popular guy in his own district of Istanbul, will run for mayor in the local elections. If he does well, he may become the new face of the CHP in the general elections. The current leader Kilicdaroglu is Alevi, a factor that can't be ignored. It will prevent some Sunnis from voting CHP, the ones that are fed up with Erdogan. So a change of leadership for the CHP would be a strategy that might help them at the ballot box. Kilicdaroglu seems to have grasped the moment to make these changes is now. A real break from the past CHP under Deniz Baykal, who lost eleven elections and clung to power. This new formula may give Erdogan a run for his money as Sarigul is charismatic and business orientated. 

The breakdown of Turkish core voters can be loosely defined: AKP 30%, CHP 20%, MHP 10% (nationalists), BDP 10% (Kurdish), 30% undecided liberals/ conservative Kurds and cemaat (centre right). If Erdogan loses the conservative Kurdish voters and the cemaat he may find it hard to rule with a majority and the notion that he would work within a coalition is one that doesn't inspire. 

Something that has recently hit the headlines is Turkey's relations with its regional rival, Iran. If commentators are right, then the P5+1 may look to Turkey for any falters it experiences with the nuclear negotiations in Geneva. A gold for oil scandal and reports that one in six companies opened in Turkey last year were Iranian, implies Ankara has been propping up the Iranian economy at a time when tougher economic sanctions were part of the P5+1 strategy to bring Iran to the negotiating table. 

At war with Syria, at odds with the military in Egypt, sinking into a sticky situation with Iran, Turkey's foreign policy is in disarray just as much as AKP's house is at home. Given the list of miscalculations by Erdogan over the past twelve months, it looks less likely that he will come out of this ahead, but this is Turkey and politics are dynamic here. Corruption is a major problem, bribes are part of the business culture, but the fact that it is now out in the open is a development that Erdogan can not flee from. The coming months are going to be critical not only for the PM but also for his party should it want to survive and thrive once more.

Wednesday, December 25, 2013

Warning Orders and the Turkish Prime Minister

The question on everyone's lips in the West is will this latest scandal into alleged corruption by businessmen close to the Turkish Prime Minister bring down his government? The simple answer is no, well not immediately. But will it erode his power? Possibly. By not seeing the warning signs of a growing split in his own party, yes, Mr Erdogan may be in trouble just months away from local elections.

On Christmas day, three cabinet ministers of significant posts resigned; the Environment Minister Erdogan Bayraktar, Economy Minister Zafer Caglayan and Interior Minister Muammer Guler. The son's of these ministers were arrested last week in a far reaching corruption probe launched by prosecutors and the police. The news of the ministerial resignations was puzzling at first because MPs in Turkey enjoy parliamentary immunity and therefore even if they were to be investigated themselves they would remain 'the untouchables' while in office.

Then came the public confession of the Environment Minister Erdogan Bayraktar on NTV. The fact that Mr Bayraktar resigned is quite symbolic considering the ongoing anti-government protests over development projects.He told Turkish TV that he was sent a resignation letter. In effect, he was bullied into his resignation as he may well have been bullied into involvement in corruption. He also went on the record as saying that everything he had done was approved by Mr Erdogan and then called for the PM's resignation. So here it is in black and white. Erdogan's bullying tactics were enough to see three of his cabinet ministers resign, Bayraktar from the protection of his own office as MP in protest of Erdogan's tactics. It does beg the question, has Mr Bayraktar spoken to prosecutors sympathetic with Gulen and if so will other's follow suit? It would depend on whether they believe they can seek protection from the cover of the Gulen movement.

Erdogan's rise to power that started in 2002 has been secured over the past decade with the help of Fethullah Gulen, an influential Islamic scholar who resides in the US. With Gulen and his supporters backing Erdogan, he was able to tighten his grip on power to the extent that saw his ruling AK party win with the highest percentage of the vote ever in 2011. Erdogan has served Gulen well. He is the only Islamist politician in recent history that has been able to secure a majority in parliament and crush the military's protective watch on the republic's secular identity. But are these sweet times for the Islamists over? It is clear that Gulen is unhappy with Erdogan's style of governance. 

Gulen media has been critical of Erdogan's environmental policies, more vocally since the Gezi Park project. Zaman newspaper has been uber critical of the third bridge project in Istanbul. The first inkling, however, of direct criticism by Gulen may have come the day the Gezi Park protests spiralled into more than just a small environmental movement in the park by tree huggers. The event that sparked the nationwide anti-government protests began with an aggressive act of policing. On a Friday morning in June police went into Gezi Park and tear gassed sleeping protesters (tree huggers), this incident thrust Turkey into social and political turmoil for months.

Erdogan was quick to criticise the police within twenty-four hours for their heavy-handed approach in what seemed like a victory at the time for the protesters. They had the ear of their elected leader. However in reflection, this vocal criticism of police violence may have been a swipe at Gulen rather than a show of support for the cause of the protesters. If it is to be believed that Gulen's influence in the police force is as wide spread as documented by the likes of the investigative journalist Ahmet Sik in his book The Imam's Army, then the act of gassing protesters - that would inevitably lead to a revolt on the street - could well have been orchestrated as Warning Orders by Gulen himself. A clear message to Erdogan to change his style. And it's this battle in itself that leaves many pro-democracy Turks cold. The power of both men is unforgiving and damaging to Turkish democracy.

Within one week, the revolt in Taksim hit the prime minister where it hurts, in the pocket. Four days after the Gezi Park protests began, the financial markets took a direct hit. In response Turkish channels NTV and CNN Turk gave over to coverage of the protests in Taksim Square. News bulletins showed peaceful protesters along with the violence after ignoring the story for days. The money in Ankara had finally started flexing its muscle. These two channels are owned by extremely powerful and wealthy businessmen, who have not always seen eye to eye with the prime minister.

With just three months to go before local elections, what can we understand from this latest move against those close to the PM? Is Gulen sending Erdogan a clear message to change his style again? Yes. This after the government made moves in November to close hundreds of private schools, which are part of the Gulen network. With the ongoing scandal, it is crystal clear that there is now a split developing within the prime minister's core supporters in the ruling party. After all AK Party has always been a loose coalition of the willing. What does this mean? It could help the Kurdish party in upcoming polls if they play their cards right. Many of the Kurdish conservative vote swung Erdogan's way during the past two terms. Could the main opposition  CHP gain in Istanbul? Possibly, but only if they hire a new speech writer!

Erdogan's biggest threat at the moment is hubris and he needs to get a handle on it. What on earth are his advisors telling him? Yigit Bulut, one of his more recently employed advisors believes that telekineses is behind much of Erdogan's political woes, well, if he gets promoted it's easy to see where this is going. While no one can deny Mr Erdogan has definitely done a lot for the Turkish economy while providing better services for his citizens and demanding attention on the world stage, it's painfully obvious that he has done little for democracy. Turkey topped out as the world's leading jailer of journalists in 2013 for the second year running.

The democratically savvy way out of the current scandal would have been to fire the ministers as soon as the corruption scandal hit, not bully them into resigning. The resignation of Turkey's Economy Minister Zafer Caglayan will also send a message that the country is unstable to outsiders. This won't help Erdogan either. He really does need to get a grip on his own arrogance and make some changes to the way he rules or face further clashes with the Gulen movement. He fired Egeman Bagis, EU affairs minister and Sports Minister Suat Kilic, two loyal subjects, a sign that he is definitely running for cover. The local elections may be the ticket. If the opposition can capitalise on this ongoing feud within AK Party, perhaps that's all the Warning Orders Turkey's new Pasha will need. The public want him to listen and it seems the Gulen movement do too, and that is a call he can not ignore.

Friday, January 20, 2012

I speak to TJ and The Tux about Turkey - NYC's politics for derelicts, as they describe it. This was an interview following former US presidential candidate Perry's comments on 'Turkey being run by Islamic terrorists'.

Jody Sabral talks Turkey to NYC's TJ and the Tux by jodysabral

Full show here: http://www.tjandthetux.com/category/episodes/

Thursday, January 12, 2012

Turkey's supreme leader

Tonight I attended the Doha Debates in Istanbul. The motion was 'This house believes Turkey is not a good model for Arab countries'. There was a variety of voices on display, and, it was, a timely discussion with over 70 Turkish journalists in prison.

As Arab countries seek to build new democractic futures, Turkey has been held up by many as a model democracy that perhaps could be applied to neighbourong countries. And why not? What alternatives are there? 'Turkey has been successful in intergrating Islamist-parties into the democractic system', said one panelist. 'The Turkish model just provides a mask for Islamists to enter parliament', said another from the opposing side.

Listening to this debate, I wondered, and have wondered for some time, 'Can an Islamist party be truly democractically-minded?' I asked the question to the panelists, who answered by saying that the model does not revolve around one particular party.

I myself am not sure that AKP are true Islamists in the Muslim Brotherhood sense. Many of us who know Turkey well, also know that fascism is a huge threat to democracy here, as it was in second world war Germany. Or even in today's America where the 99% feel disenfranchised from the democractic process.

I write this in response to a question I was posed by one of the speakers on the panel, Sinan Ulgen, who spoke against the motion. His argument was that Turkey is a good model, 'It has flaws and short-comings, but overall it is a good model for Arab countries'. He then mentioned Iran, which caught me off guard.

Having missed my opportunity to really respond to the question he raised on Iran, I will now address it. Sinan asked whether Iran was a better model. At the time I pulled the debate back to Turkey's anti-democractic movement citing freedom of speech as a fundamental element of democracy that seems to be under attack here. However, let me now respond to this comparison.

The Turkish prime minister well aware that he can not run again for the prime ministry wants to secure his grip on power and has proposed a presidential system, which many say, he will bring forth via writing a new constitution. AKP having already changed the law on presidenital elections in 2008 will be prepared to take it to a public vote.

Under the old law, the parliament elected the president. Under the new law, the public will. This would allow Erdogan to run for the top post. Most believe he would likely be elected going by the last election results. Running in 2011 - his third term for power - he got the highest YES yet in general elections ever, demonstrating the power of his popularity.

My question then to Sinan Ulgen is, how is this different from the democractic-autocracy next door in Iran? How would Erdogan's presidential grip be different from the supreme leader?

Many Iranians I know always say, 'Be mindful of your democracy, we weren't and look what we got! We were fighting against oppression in 1979, but then Khomeni came along and appointed his men in powerful positions, and look at our democracy thirty years on.'

They have a point. We are seeing the same kind of trend in Turkey where university posts are now being appointed by AKP guys, rather than democratically elected as they were in the past from within the academic community.

These institutions that Sinan Ulgen talks about as being part of the Turkish model are all good and well when you have a democractic-mindset running them. But in this region it's hard to see where that will come from with no real reform still taking place across the education system.

We foreigners are often accused of being Orientalist by raising the issue of Islamist-politics Vs secularism. But there needs to be an understanding of this definition. Yes the majority of AKP guys are Muslims, this is not the complaint I raised. I have no complaint with spiritual Islam, religion, faith of any denomination. But when religion is used in popular political discourse it becomes anti-democractic.

Erdogan said prior to the elections, 'You're either with us or against us'. May nature forbid such a thought if he gets his way and reaches the top post. As the 2011 campaign posters eerily displays, Erdogan has a long-term vision of his power which stretches till 2023. If he makes it, he'll have secured two-decades in power. So by then, will he have earned the title of Turkey's supreme leader?

Will air on January 21st http://www.thedohadebates.com/pages/?p=3285

Friday, December 23, 2011

Silencing dissenting voices will not solve the problem

Surrounded by a group of Turkish students in a car park at a university in south east Poland where I recently did a guest-lecture and book reading, I felt the full weight of controversy in talking about the creation of a Kurdish state - a concept that has been around since the Treaty of Sevres in 1920 as the Ottoman Empire collapsed and the Turkish Republic was established in 1923.

At least nine or ten Turkish students had gathered to inform me that a map, which I use as the plot in my novel Changing Borders was not real. I replied in Turkish ‘it’s a novel!’

‘You do know that map is not real, don’t you. Our friends were very sad when they saw you talk about it,’ a young Turkish girl said in her best English, currently on an Erasmus exchange. ‘We wanted to tell you it’s not real.’

No matter how surreal this incident was, it exposes a worrying mentality of how Turks approach the Kurdish issue. It’s better to reject the notion of the ‘promise’ than consider what went wrong. It is widely reported that Kurds number an estimated 30 million across the region, the largest ethnic population without their own country, although Northern Iraq goes by the name of Kurdistan and is fast becoming the defacto state for Kurds in the region.

The wave of arrests that took place in Turkey yesterday, in which an estimated thirty journalists were detained, their offices ransacked by police, and camera equipment confiscated is just part of a ‘pre-planned campaign to silence critical voices from within the Kurdish community,’ an MP from the Kurdish bloc told me by phone.

Police began their dawn raids at around 5 am, and proceeded to copy the hard drives of computers, confiscate cameras because memory sticks ‘couldn’t be copied on site’, and then detain those who work at news agencies of mostly Kurdish origin, although the local AFP photographer Mustafa Ozer was also taken under custody.

The pretext was that these people are suspected of being members of the Kurdish Communities Union or KCK, ‘the urban arm of the PKK’ as the police describe it. However, the KCK has yet to be proven as an illegal entity, so these journalists were arrested for what exactly? For reporting on the ongoing trial into the KCK, which has according to some estimates seen 3900 people detained, some sentenced, some still held without charge.

The idea that the KCK is ‘setting up a parallel state’ has yet to be proven by the courts, but having spoken to MPs from the main opposition party, the CHP, this case seems to have no grounds. Turkey is now discussing a new constitution, which would include more autonomy for the Kurds in the south east, which proposes local government on a municipal level be managed predominantly by Kurds. So what was the motivation behind these arrests?

Turkey ranks one of the highest jailers of journalists in the world. In 2011, the International Press Institute published the findings from a report by the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) that placed Iran, China, and Turkey at the top of the list of most journalists in prison. The report by OSCE found that Turkey topped the list with 70 journalists in jail, but that Iran and China also ranked among the worst for journalists behind Turkey. Should these 30 arrested journalists remain behind bars, it has put Turkey way ahead of the competition.

Ahmet Sik and Nedim Sener, two highly respected investigative journalists have been held in prison since March without charge. Last month they were up in court and to the press community’s dismay, they were not released as was expected. The two are accused of being a member of a terror network, aka Ergenekon, plotting to bring down the government. Ironically it has been their investigative work that has gone some way to expose the alleged military plot, so whose side are they on? It’s widely known that Ahmet was arrested for a controversial book he was planning to publish on religious communities within the police force, who follow one of Turkey’s most powerful and untouchable Islamic scholars.

Having lived in Turkey for ten years, and watched three terms of the ruling AKP governance, I can say that yes many things have improved. A Kurdish party is now in the parliament, Kurdish language is no longer banned. A Kurdish channel, although state-run broadcasts, and private channels are set to follow. Kurdish language once banned is now being offered in universities, but freedom of speech is being slowly ebbed away at.

Perhaps we need to start understanding the mentality that is behind this new crackdown in which 30 journalists were arrested.

As offices were raided yesterday and cameras confiscated, I cast my mind back to the car park in Poland. If a tale of fiction can cause such a reaction, what hope is there for real conversation about solving Turkey’s chronic problem of its Kurdish identity, and the military’s intervention in politics.

Journalists feel afraid, ‘my phone number is on Mustafa (Ozer’s) phone,’ a photographer I know confessed to me as the news of the raids broke - wire-tapping is the usual evidence used against the press. Perhaps there will be an explosion of novelists in Turkey as journalists practise many layers of self-censorship to ‘stay safe’, although this has also proven not protective.

With almost 100 journalists in jail, Turkey really should start to question what kind of democracy it wants to be?

Thursday, October 13, 2011

CHANGING BORDERS a novel by J A Sabral

The US book review

"What is the real value of exerting western influence in the fast-changing, difficult to predict Middle East? This is a smart, sexy, international intrigue that raises questions and sheds light on many issues of this part of the world."

Todays Zaman

"A political tale of scandal and intrigue, Sabral exposes the sordid underbelly of Western policy in a fast-paced novel aimed at questioning the value of and motivations behind Western interference in the Middle East."

ebook - International intrigue on Iran-US-Turkey relations https://www.amazon.co.uk/dp/B005NBLMVC

paperback :http://www.lulu.com/product/paperback/changing-borders/15843818